By Ashley Parker, Philip Rucker, Robert Costa and Damian Paletta
August 18, 2017
President Trump on Friday dismissed his embattled chief strategist
Stephen K. Bannon, an architect of his 2016 general election victory, in a
major White House shake-up that follows a week of racial unrest, according to
multiple administration officials.
Trump had been under
mounting pressure to dispense with Bannon, who many officials view as a
political Svengali but who has drawn scorn as a leading internal force
encouraging and amplifying the
president’s most controversial nationalist impulses.
Sarah Huckabee Sanders,
the White House press secretary, said in a Friday afternoon statement to
reporters: “White House Chief of Staff John F. Kelly and Steve Bannon have
mutually agreed today would be Steve’s last day. We are grateful for his
service and wish him the best.”
Some White House
officials also said Friday they expect some of Bannon’s allies inside the
administration to exit with him. Bannon works closely with a number of White
House officials, including national security aide Sebastian Gorka and assistant
Julia Hahn.
Bannon, the former executive chairman of
Breitbart News — a fiery, hard-right news site that has gone to war with the
Republican establishment — had been expecting to be cut loose from the White
House, people close to him said. One of them explained that Bannon was resigned
to that fate and is determined to continue to advocate for Trump’s agenda on
the outside.
“No matter what happens, Steve is a honey badger,” said this person, who
like others interviewed spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the
sensitivity of the situation. “Steve’s in a good place. He doesn’t care. He’s
going to support the president and push the agenda, whether he’s on the inside
or the outside.”
Bannon has told associates in recent days that if he were to leave the
White House, the conservative populist movement that lifted Trump in last
year’s campaign would be at risk. One person close to him said the coalition
would amount to “Democrats, bankers, and hawks.” Bannon also has predicted that
Trump would eventually turn back to him and others who share the president’s
nationalist instincts, especially on trade.
John F. Kelly, the
retired four-star Marine Corps general brought in late last month as White
House chief of staff, has
been contemplating dramatic changes to West Wing staffing that included firing
Bannon, a right-wing populist who helped guide the president to
victory in the final months of last year’s campaign.
The decision to fire Bannon was made by Kelly, officials said. It came
after almost exactly three weeks on the job as chief of staff, a position in
which he was given unilateral power to overhaul the West Wing staff in an
effort to staunch warring factions, aides and advisers going rogue, and
repeated leaks to the news media.
“This was without
question one man’s decision: Kelly. One hundred percent,” one senior White
House official said. “It’s been building for a while.”
This past week, as
mainstream Republicans lambasted Trump for his handling of last week’s deadly
white supremacist demonstration in Charlottesville, Va., many on the White
House staff led a drum beat for the president to dismiss Bannon and any other
aides who have connections of any kind to the white nationalist movement, this
official said.
“The fevered pitch was basically outrage from
dozens on the staff that anybody who’s ever had a part of that has to be purged
immediately,” this official said.
Kelly has no personal animus toward Bannon, said people familiar with
his thinking, but was especially frustrated with Bannon’s tendency to try to
influence policy and personal matters not in his portfolio, as well as a
negative media campaign he and his allies waged against national security
adviser H.R. McMaster.
The president, meanwhile, had been upset about Bannon’s participation in
a book by a Bloomberg News reporter Joshua Green, “Devil’s Bargain” —
particularly the shared photo billing on the cover between Trump and his chief
strategist.
This week, at a moment when even his allies and confidants agreed his
job security was as precarious as it has ever been, Bannon further imperiled
his own standing by giving an interview
to the liberal American Prospect magazine, in which he sniped by
name at his enemies within the White House including Gary Cohn, the National
Economic Council director, and publicly contradicted the administration’s
stance on North Korea.
Bannon confidants said he believed his conversation with the magazine
was off the record, but the damage was done. Kelly, said two people familiar
with his thinking, was most frustrated by his comments on North Korea,
explaining that, as a general, he understands the human toll and the prospect
of war with a hostile nation is not merely an intellectual exercise for him.
As Bannon waited to hear his fate in recent days, he was keeping in
close touch with billionaire ally Robert Mercer and other longtime friends and
benefactors in conservative politics and the right-wing media community,
expressing a desire to stay in the White House while also musing about what his
future could be outside of the federal government.
Associates said Bannon
may partner on a new venture with the Mercer family, conservative mega-donors
who served as his patrons in an array of enterprises before he joined the Trump
campaign. One strong possibility: a new media entity.
“They have a very strong
working relationship together and I would be shocked if we don’t hear of a
major initiative involving Steve and the Mercers in the next 30 and 60 days,”
said a person familiar with the family’s views, who requested anonymity to
describe the thinking of the Mercers. “They don’t walk in lockstep in terms of
their views, but they like the fact that Steve gets results and they think
money put into ventures he’s involved in is money well spent.”
Hedge fund executive
Robert Mercer and his daughter Rebekah collaborated with Bannon on at least
five ventures between 2011 and 2016, including Breitbart, which Bannon ran. He
also served as vice president and secretary of the Mercer-funded Cambridge
Analytica, a data science company that worked for Trump’s campaign.
Bannon earned at least
$917,000 in 2016, drawing at least $545,000 of that from four Mercer-backed
ventures, according to a personal financial disclosure he filed in late March.
At the time, he estimated that his assets were worth between $11.8 million and
$53.8 million. Among his holdings: three rental properties and a strategic
consulting firm he said was worth between $5 million and $25 million. The
filing also showed that Bannon had significant cash reserves, reporting at
least $1.1 million in three different U.S. bank accounts.
Much of Bannon’s time in
recent days was spent in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White
House grounds, as the West Wing is under renovation, where he has a spacious
corner office on the first floor that is piled with books he is reading and
files on trade policy and immigration policy.
Bannon closely monitored
media coverage of both him and Trump on television, thumbing his phone whenever
associates would text or email him new articles. Whenever he read articles about
rivals such as Cohn reportedly being critical of the president’s conduct, he
fumed that they were undermining him as he was trying to enact what Trump
promised his base voters.
Bannon has told people
that he called The American Prospect simply to talk China policy, an example of
how he has often acted as an in-house professor of sorts for Trumpism inside
the White House. But when coverage of the candid interview exploded, he began
to say that it was partly strategic, and most people close to him aren’t exactly
sure what to believe about why and how that phone call unfolded.
Inside Trump’s circle,
there have been two camps: those who argued he should fight to stay and be a
political warrior for Trump’s nationalist instincts and those who believe his
battles with the “globalists,” as he calls the more moderate wing of the White
House, had reached their nadir. Bannon seemed to veer between those two sides
in conversations with friends and allies,
As Bannon has come under
scrutiny, so have his allies inside. Senior policy adviser Stephen Miller has a
large footprint already and is seen as safe, but Bannon’s close allies Gorka
and Hahn — both of whom worked at Breitbart — are seen as more vulnerable to
changes. They have asserted themselves in talks with colleagues as Trump allies
first, Bannon allies second.
Bannon has been under
fire before, most prominently in early April, when Trump’s son-in-law and
senior adviser, Jared Kushner, was pushing for his ouster; the president
himself dinged him in the New York Post, and a Bannon friend likened him to a
terminally ill patient who had been moved to hospice care.
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